July 26, 2008

164) Should the RBI tighten monetary policy further?

As the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) prepares for the presentation of its monetary policy review on July 29, its foremost thought should be on the deteriorating price situation compounded by signs of deceleration in economic growth. Earlier, the RBI predicted that the inflation rate would be 5.5 per cent for the year.

The Index Number of Wholesale Prices stood at 226.0 as on March 29, 2008. Factoring in an inflation rate of 5.5 per cent over the year, it will likely be 238.43, at the end of 2008-09.

As on July 5, it had already reached that level. It is unrealistic to expect that it will remain there for another nine months to give us a point-to-point annual inflation rate of 5.5 per cent. The situation is murky, complicated as it is by many factors, domestic and international. It would be better for the RBI not to indicate its estimate of the likely inflation rate but only reiterate its medium-term target, as announced in the Annual Policy Statement. It can have its estimate for internal purposes, without making it public.

Central banks of developed countries do not make any forecasts of inflation; they know it is as undesirable as talking about the future course of currency values. While this is understandable in countries that have adopted inflation-targeting, central banks even in other countries, such as the US, talk in general terms about inflation scenario without specifying the expected rate.

Among the causes of the current inflation, one mentioned frequently is high international prices of commodities. It is now reported to be further aggravated by the rupee’s depreciation. This needs to be analysed in greater depth. We do not have the latest information on the currency composition of import invoices. But trends indicate a decline in the share of dollar invoicing in the total value of imports over the years. It may be around two-thirds of total value.

Since the values of important international currencies show divergent trends vis-À-vis the rupee, one needs to isolate the influence of dollar appreciation on import prices.

Second, oil, an important dollar-denominated import, accounts for about one-third of the total. The pass-through of international oil prices has been only partial. Oil is, of course, all-pervading in its influence on inter-industry transaction (or input-output) tables of the economy. We need to know how much the limited pass-through of high oil prices has contributed to inflation.

Tracking inflation

In the distant past, the Econometric Division of the RBI did some pioneering work in tracing the sources of inflation. A macro-model for the economy, published in Reserve Bank of India Occasional Papers of December 1984, estimated the contribution of agricultural and non-agricultural production, administered prices and import prices to inflation between 1975-76 and 1982-83, and from 1979-80 to 1982-83.

The article elicited considerable interest when it was presented at the time at a seminar organised by the Institute of Economic Growth in Delhi, and was discussed in depth. One does not know whether similar research has been done in the RBI or other institutions since then and, if so, whether it has influenced policy-making. But it is obvious that identifying and isolating the causative factors for inflation is the first step towards taking remedial action.

In a speech he made on “Exchange Rate Pass-Through and Monetary Policy” at the Norges Bank Conference on Monetary Policy, Oslo, Norway, on March 7, 2008, Governor Mishkin of the US Federal Reserve presented an in-depth analysis of the declining influence of currency depreciation on consumer inflation.

Summarising the lessons from the empirical evidence on exchange rate pass-through he said that sizeable depreciations of the nominal exchange rate exert fairly small effects on consumer prices across a wide set of industrial countries, and these effects have declined over the past two decades.

The pass-through from exchange rates to import prices has been low and has declined markedly over this period. Specifically, he pointed out the weak correlation between exchange rate depreciation and inflation, even in highly open economies.

This is because, in recent years, expectations of inflation have become much more solidly anchored. Traditional monetary theorists were correct in emphasising that exchange rate depreciation and inflation were likely to be closely linked under an unstable monetary policy environment without a nominal anchor.

Stable policy

Thus, a stable monetary policy — supported by an institutional framework that allows the central bank to pursue a policy independent of fiscal considerations and political pressures — effectively removes an important potential source of high pass-through of exchange rate changes to consumer prices.

Appropriately, the RBI Governor, Dr Y. V. Reddy, has frequently emphasised the need for anchoring inflation expectations at a low level. It requires a stable monetary policy environment. The RBI’s hands have been strengthened by the statutory prohibition of its playing the role of an underwriter for government securities.

In the context of growth in money supply above its target and, more so in reserve money, markets expect the RBI to raise the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and/or the Repo Rate by a further 25 basis points, at the minimum. That the monetary position is already tight is clear from several factors.

The actual CRR for the banking system stood at 8.72 per cent as on July 4, 2008, against the required ratio of 8.25 per cent. Generally, the system keeps an extra 1 per cent to settle inter-bank transactions. This was not the case in the latest instance.

The CRR was raised by two instalments of 25 basis points each, as on July 5 and July 19. The tight reserve position has been reflected by the trends in the rising call money rates and the large amounts of repo transactions done with the RBI. Many banks have announced increases in deposit rates, particularly in the short to medium-term maturity buckets. The money multiplier is not instantaneous. It takes its own time to work out its full effects on the economy. The RBI should wait for some time before further tightening.

The need is for soft-landing of the economy. The prices of basic commodities like food-grains and edible oils need to be tackled from the supply side.

No doubt, there is demand-side pressure emanating from such initiatives as the Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, which was extended at one go for the whole country by the government on political considerations, without reckoning with its impact on aggregate demand and prices. Now it cannot be undone.

The tightness in policy has been somewhat compromised by the central bank’s decision to buy oil bonds in exchange for forex. Although the monetary impact is neutral, one may argue that the tightness would have been reinforced by making the oil companies resort to the banking system for funds. They could not easily sell bonds to banks because they do not qualify for SLR and the latter demand high discounts.

The RBI should release data periodically on its oil bond transactions in the interests of transparency. Instead of raising the CRR or Repo Rate it may withdraw the scheme for the purchase of oil bonds and declare them to be SLR-eligible.

For prudential reasons, banks would then prefer to buy them rather than enhance the credit limits reported to be demanded by oil companies.

The RBI has asked banks to review by May 15 advances against selected commodities to know their role in speculative hoarding. It is time the findings are made public.

A. SESHAN
(The author is a former Officer-in-Charge of the Department of Economic Analysis and Policy, RBI.)

July 5, 2008

163) The whys of market fall

A look at how recent events have triggered a fall in stocks.

The stock markets have been witnessing a free fall; the Sensex is perilously close to the 13,000 levels and suddenly everyone has new reasons as to why the markets are falling. Inflation, rising crude oil prices, battered Asian markets, a weak rupee. But hey! What does all this have to do with stocks? I thought stocks represented companies and with the Indian economy expanding, its companies can only continue to grow. While this may be true for the long term, Indian companies face quite a few hurdles in the near term, which have been prompting markets to price in a slower pace of growth. Recent market events also drive home the point that fundamentals apart, perceptions have a big role to play in what investors are willing to pay for stocks. Here are a few points that try to explain how recent events have triggered a fall in Indian stocks.

Crude spikes

From $93 a barrel in end December 2007, crude oil prices have shot up 54 per cent, crossing the $144-mark this week. Rising (US) interest rates-weakening dollar, political turmoil in oil producing countries and a drop in US’ oil stock piles, with Fed supply concerns have helped crude oil surge to its life high. India needs to worry about oil prices on two counts. One, rising oil inflates the country’s import bill and widens its trade deficit. Two, it could set off a chain of input price increases that companies and consumers may find difficult to handle.

Inflation peaks

With rising fuel and farm, product prices, India’s inflation rate rose to 11.63 per cent in the week ended June 21.The concerns about inflation for stock market investors is threefold. One, higher commodity prices could reduce profit margins for companies if they are unable to hike product prices. Two, inflation can make consumers spend less on big ticket purchases such as automobiles and homes. Third, government measures to tame inflation, which can take the form of interest rate hikes can further squeeze demand as well as corporate expansion plans. Policy measures such as export restrictions on farm products or pricing pressures on sectors such as cement or steel also have the potential to derail earnings for companies in these sectors.

Political turmoil

Political turbulence is always a red flag to foreign investors; the political divide at the Centre on the nuclear deal has also caused stock market jitters. Though a political change or elections may not directly affect companies, they have an important bearing on how reforms or policy measures for individual sectors may shape up in future.

Global market jitters

No equity market in today’s globalised world is an island in itself. Foreign fund flows, which pretty much decide how markets move, tend to move quickly between countries and asset classes based on where investors see potential for high returns. The view on ‘emerging markets’ may drive sentiment towards our markets. And the emerging nations themselves may depend on developed economies, especially the US (which is a major export market for Asian markets). With the US economy in trouble, institutions have taken a negative view on Asian nations, which have been ransacked by higher inflation and oil prices.

Rajalakshmi Sivam

162) Target-date Funds: Protecting your pre-retirement lifestyle?

The sharp decline in asset prices since January 2008 has badly affected one class of investors — the retirees.

Those who did not plan their retirement portfolio well may live to regret it; for the asset price decline could affect their post-retirement lifestyle.

Given this, it was not surprising when one investor asked us this question: How should the retirement portfolio be structured so as to protect pre-retirement lifestyle?

This article discusses retirement portfolios within this investment objective.

It mentions the risks associated with traditional portfolios and shows how target-date funds are good introductory investment products in the retirement space.

Target-date Funds

Traditionally, a retirement portfolio simply consisted of stocks, bonds and cash-equivalents.

A 40-year old investor had lower equity allocation than a 30-year old investor.

A strategy was to primarily allocate equity by rule of thumb- 100 less the investor’s age.

The investor had to evolve an asset allocation strategy if she wanted to reduce her equity exposure as she aged. This was tax-inefficient because cutting equity exposure meant selling shares. And that attracted capital-gains tax.

Besides, the portfolio was subject to high market risk at the target date (retirement date).

What if asset prices declined in the retirement year? The portfolio would not have enough money to fund investors’ post-retirement consumption.

These issues led to the introduction of target-date funds.

Target-date funds, also called life-cycle funds, were built on the concept that asset allocation policy had to change over the individual’s lifetime.

Such funds are typically fund-of-funds that invest in stocks, bonds and cash-equivalents.

As the investor ages, the allocation to stocks automatically reduces and exposure to bonds goes up.

Such allocation is not a linear function of age. It is instead a function of human capital, which is the present value of the future income.

Investors need such portfolios because employee retirement plans will not be enough to protect retirees’ lifetime consumption.

But it is not as if target-date funds can ensure comfortable post-retirement lifestyle.

There are risks associated with such investments, as with traditional portfolios.

Investment risks

The risk that the investment may not support pre-retirement lifestyle arises due to three reasons.

One, the retirement portfolio will run out of capital before the retiree dies (longevity risk).

Two, the portfolio does not have enough assets on retirement to support the required lifestyle (shortfall risk).

And three, cash flows are not enough to support lifestyle because of the general increase in price levels (inflation risk).

The longevity risk is increasingly becoming a problem because advances in healthcare has extended life span and spiralling price levels have led to low purchasing power.

The retirement portfolio is, therefore, required to generate higher income to survive through retiree’s lifetime. This necessitates exposure to equity even during the retirement phase, which subjects the portfolio continually to equity price risk.

As for inflation risk, exposure to inflation-protection bonds can help investors reduce this risk. Unfortunately, such bonds are not available in India. So, retirees’ only hedge against inflation is equity.

What about shortfall risk? A retirement portfolio will be immensely benefited if the stock market is up during an investor’s midlife, which is between 45 and 60 years.

This is because the investor can save more during this phase.

A higher return on higher asset base will enable the portfolio meet its retirement goals. Portfolio managers can also delta-hedge the equity portfolio as it nears the target date to protect the downside risk.

Some issues

Target-date funds are gaining in popularity in the US. Yet, some issues need to be addressed. For one, such funds do not have appropriate benchmark to measure the performance of the portfolio manager.

For another, such funds may not be suitable for risk-averse investors who prefer zero equity allocation.

Consider the performance measurement issue. Target-date funds, like traditional portfolios, benchmark their performance to an appropriate market index.

This is, however, inappropriate because the objective of the portfolio is to protect lifetime consumption of goods, not beat a market index.

An appropriate measure may be to fix the required return that would enable a class of investors to meet their lifestyle objectives and compare the actual returns to this benchmark.

Consider next, the problem of the risk-averse investors. Their alternative investment avenue could be inflation-indexed annuities.

The Indian market is yet to offer such high-end products to suit the risk-return preferences of investors.

Worse still, target-date funds are not yet popular in India. Franklin Templeton offers a life-cycle fund but the responsibility of changing equity allocation through time is on the investor.

The investors have to be content with traditional portfolios and its associated risks till the Indian market offers more innovative investment products in the retirement space.

Protecting pre-retirement lifestyle till then may be difficult for the working class.

B. Venkatesh

(The author is an investment strategist. He can be reached at enhancek@gmail.com)

161) Risks to look out for

To earn more, the investor will need to take more risks. A look at the different aspects one would have to factor in.

You now have a fair idea of the different types of return. It’s time to understand the different types of risk because return and risk are the two sides of the same investment coin. Remember, if you want to earn more return you will have to take more risk.

Risk refers to the possibility that the actual returns are different from the anticipated returns. That way, the actual return may turn out to be greater than expected return or less than expected return. The former is referred to as upside risk and the latter as downside risk. While downside risk hurts more, both are relevant.

Scroll on to the five types of risk relevant to investments.

Inflation Risk: Inflation refers to the rise in the price of products and the consequent fall in the value of money. Suppose the price of a product today is Rs 100.

Suppose a year later its price is Rs 108. We say that the price of the product has increased by 8 per cent, or better still, that the product has suffered an inflation of 8 per cent. Since different products can suffer different rates of inflation, it makes sense to have inflation reckoned for a basket of products. Enter whole sale price index and its rise.

Every investment must cover the inflation risk: An error in judgment can leave you short changed. Suppose you invest in a fixed deposit that pays you 8 per cent per annum.

If the expected inflation is 5 per cent, the real rate of return is 3 per cent. This is because while the Rs 100 grows to Rs 108, the price of the product will move from Rs 100 to Rs 105 by that time. So, a year later, you are richer by only Rs 3. Now if the inflation unexpectedly climbs to 7 per cent, your real rate is 1 per cent. Today, with inflation close to 12 per cent, bank deposits are giving you negative return.

Interest Rate Risk: Interest rates don’t stay static; they move up and down unannounced. Interest rate risk refers to the impact that rising interest rates have on bond values. When interest rates go up, the value of an existing bond comes down. And when interest rates fall, the value of the existing bond goes up. Suppose a company has issued a bond (First Series) with a face value of Rs 100 and a coupon rate of 8 per cent. Say, its current market price is Rs 100. Now, suppose the company issues a Second Series at a coupon rate of 11 per cent. What would you, an investor in the First Series, do? Surely you would sell your First Series and buy the Second Series. But then who will buy from you — after all everyone is as smart as you are! Surely no one would want to get Rs 8 on an investment of Rs 100 when they can get Rs 11.

This is what will now happen in the market. The price of the First Series will quickly fall down to a level which gives a return of 11 per cent; namely, Rs 72.

So a rise in interest rates leads to a fall in the value of the existing bond. Of-course, if, conversely, the interest rates fall, the market value of the bond will go up. In essence, bond value and interest rates move in opposite directions.

Default Risk: This refers to the possibility that not only is the promised rate of return not paid, but that the principal amount invested too could be lost. Default risk is highest in the case of investment in companies that have speculative grading, companies that are run by first generation entrepreneurs and companies that offer unbelievably high rates of return.

Any investment that offers you significantly higher rate has to be taken with a pinch of salt. For instance, if corporate fixed deposits generally offer you 11 per cent and a particular company offers you 20 per cent, your risk antenna should be up.

Liquidity risk: Liquidity refers to the speed with which an investment is convertible into cash without significant loss of value. Cash is the most liquid asset. Next come government bonds. Incidentally, stocks too suffer liquidity risk.

Like, when a security that you hold has to be sold in the market place at a price that is substantially less than its fair value, you are said to suffer liquidity risk. House property has a huge liquidity risk. You cannot sell it in a hurry. You have to wait to get the right price.

Reinvestment Risk: An investment gives return in the course of its life. For example, fixed deposits pay interest. Stocks pay dividend. So do mutual funds. In arriving at the return from these investments we assume that the intervening cash flows (interest, dividend etc) are re-invested at the same rate. If they cannot be re-invested at the same rate but have to be re-invested at lower rates then the investment is said to suffer re-investment rate risk.

It is, therefore, sometimes good to not receive intervening cash flows because the risk of reinvestment gets thrust on you. All these risks do not reside in every investment or affect every investment in like manner. Most importantly, how do you compute these risks and assign a value?

V. Pattabhi Ram
(The author is a Chennai-based chartered accountant.)

160) Should you cash out or hold on?

By remaining invested in equities right from 21000 to 13450 levels, you’ve already lived through one of the worst-case scenarios for equity investing. By exiting now, you would be depriving yourself of the rewards for this fortitude!

“Should I simply cash out on my equity portfolio and switch to safe, debt investments?” Surprisingly, that question, and not “What should I buy?” seems to be topmost on investor minds, after the 36 per cent plunge in the BSE Sensex over the past six months.

Even investors who have doggedly held on to their stocks (or equity funds) through the entire meltdown from 21000 to the current 13400 levels, are now beginning to lose their stomach for risk and wonder if they should exit before they lose more value.

In the short term, they can. Taking a call on where the BSE Sensex can go from here is difficult, even for seasoned investors; too many times have even big names in the global investment business got that call wrong.

From a fundamental perspective, the collapse in the Sensex PE multiple, from 29 times trailing earnings in January to about 16 times now, ensures that rosy growth projections are no longer factored into Indian stock prices.

Current market valuations factor in only about 16 per cent earnings growth for the market over the next five years, down from 30 per cent in January. If slower earnings growth is a concern now, the slowdown is not likely to last forever.

Even economists who are cautious on the Indian economy now are not disputing its growth potential for the long term. They are only worried about a ‘cyclical’ slowdown, which may last for a year or slightly more. Even conservative forecasts for Sensex company earnings estimate growth at 15 per cent.

But this isn’t any guarantee that the stock market will not decline any further in the short term. The magnitude of the 2008 crash definitely proves that sentiment and perception play as much of a role in deciding how much investors are willing to pay for stocks, as growth expectations.

The picture on liquidity flows, the key determinant of how the stock market may behave in the short term, is still far from rosy.

In light of the above, how should individual investors decide whether to sell now? That would depend on two factors — when you need the money and the quality of stocks or equity funds you own.

Need your money in a year? Switch

Investors who need to encash their portfolio within the next year (to meet a financial goal), should probably consider a gradual exit from stocks and a switch into safer debt options such as fixed maturity plans. For such investors, debt investments promise fixed returns and an exit at assured prices one year hence. If they stay invested in stocks, they bear a further risk of downside.

In any case, given the magnitude of cuts taken by individual stocks in the past six months, one year will not be a sufficient time window to recoup a material portion of these losses. Investors deciding to exit their portfolio should do so in tranches, so that they don’t fail to take advantage of any intermittent recovery in the market.

Long term investor? Hold on tight

If you have invested in stocks with a 3-5 year perspective, this would be a particularly bad time to exit your equity portfolio.

By remaining invested in equities right from 21000 to 13450 levels, you’ve already lived through one of the worst-case situations in equity investing — a 30-70 per cent erosion in capital values.

By exiting now, you would be depriving yourself of the rewards for this fortitude! With market and stock valuations way below stratospheric levels, the fall has increased the odds of a reasonable return on your equity investments, over a 3-5 year holding period.

However, your return expectations would need to be moderate, at 15 per cent annualised, instead of 30-40 per cent that you have been used to over the past four years. This would still be much better than debt returns.

Timing can backfire

A rational approach now would be to try and forget the “buy” price (or NAV) at which you entered each stock or equity fund. That is irrelevant now. The call that you have to make at this time is whether you can find equity investments, at current levels, that will beat debt returns of 8-9 per cent over the next three years. That doesn’t seem to be in much doubt.

If you redeem your stock portfolios at today’s prices, a switch into debt investments such as fixed maturity plans can earn you a 9-10 per cent return over the next one year. But you would face a re-investment risk at the end of the year.

Experience shows that Indian stocks have the potential to gain 12-15 per cent even in a week’s time, if in a recovery phase.

Last week’s market bounce certainly brought fresh evidence of how swiftly even large-cap stocks tend to move in the Indian market.

Attempting to time your entry into the market (if you plan to re-enter the stock market when “things are better”) may lead to high transaction costs and poor decisions.

Timing moves, especially when you have several decisions to make, have the potential to backfire.

What if you buy a range of stocks only to discover that it was a short-lived rally driven by “short-covering”? A recovery in the Indian stock market now is largely a function of when global institutional investors will peg up their ‘India’ allocations. That is no easy factor to predict.

Switch to safer bets

Having said this, given the very real earnings concerns surrounding Indian companies at this juncture, there will be some stocks and sectors in your portfolio that are not worth holding on to, even at this juncture.

With the investment environment uncertain, small and mid-cap stocks (with select exceptions) seem certain to trail blue-chips in the event of a market recovery.

Selling some of those small-caps, even at some sacrifice, and deploying that sum in large-caps from the Sensex or Nifty baskets may ensure that your portfolio doesn’t miss out on any recovery phase.

The time also appears ripe to exit your “low-conviction” trading buys and replace them with stocks that have a stronger claim to fundamentals.

If stock selection seems fraught with risk, switch to good diversified equity funds; they will be certain to capitalise on a market upmove.

Aarati Krishnan

159) What’s melting the market... and the factors that could turn the tide

The latest corrective phase has many macro-economic facets — surging crude and commodity prices, double-digit inflation, rising interest rates and political uncertainties — that threaten to curb fund flows to India and pose a risk to earnings.

For investors who have survived various stock market corrections in India over the past four years, the recent one must have come as something of a shocker. With a 40 per cent slide from peak to trough, this meltdown has been sharper and more prolonged than any other corrective phase witnessed since the bull rally took off in 2003.

So what’s different this time? What, for instance, sets apart this market fall from the 30 per cent correction in 2006? Here’s a look at the patterns and trends in the recent market slide, and the fundamental and technical factors at play.

Challenging macro scenario

The recent corrective phase has many macro-economic facets to it — both global and local — several factors pose a potent threat to company earnings and fund flows into India.

While concerns arising from the US sub-prime crisis and the ensuing credit crunch threaten to curb fund flows to India, surging crude and commodity prices, double-digit inflation, rising interest rates and political uncertainty now pose a risk to earnings.

None of the earlier corrections saw the coming together of so many negative factors. In the August 2007 correction, limited to a 10 per cent fall, the factors at play were mainly global (sub-prime crisis). The 15 per cent correction in March 2007 was primarily caused by the Chinese market meltdown and the subsequent backlash of the yen carry trade. On both these occasions, the market slides were limited to under a month, by which time both the broad markets and FII investments had begun trending up.

The deeper correction in May 2006 shaved over 30 per cent off the Sensex’s peak value and was driven mainly by fund flows, rather than by fundamental factors. A 0.25 percentage point interest rate hike by the US Fed, with promise of more to come, prompted FIIs to reallocate their funds from ‘risky’ emerging markets to the stable developed markets. Interest rate fears also triggered a global sell-off in the commodity markets, leading global investors to book profits on metal stocks in emerging markets too.

This contrasts with the current scenario where global investors have chosen to divert their investments to commodities. So, while the correction of 2006 was driven by falling commodity prices (which are good for corporate earnings); this one is driven by rising commodity prices, which actually pose a threat to corporate earnings.

While the government has taken policy measures to rein in price inflation, the rise in commodity prices is a global phenomenon, triggered by tight supplies. Optimists can take comfort from the fact that in recent times, the indicators of industrial production in both India and China have begun showing signs of moderation; lower demand may ease demand pressure on commodities, while an unwinding of speculative positions may also trigger a correction.

Earnings slowdown

The fundamentals of India Inc today appear shakier than they were in 2006. There are signs from the recent IIP numbers that rising interest rates are taking a toll on industrial production; sales of automobiles and consumer durables have wound down on the back of dearer credit. In 2006, corporate India’s growth juggernaut was just beginning to gain speed; Indian companies notched up a 23 per cent growth in sales and 25 per cent growth in profits in 2005-06.

In contrast, India Inc’s earnings actually slowed in FY08, hit by higher oil and metal prices and rising interest rates. In FY08, companies recorded overall growth of 19 per cent in sales and 25 per cent in profits, lower than the 27 per cent sales growth and 41 per cent profit growth in FY07.

This growing consensus about a slowdown is corroborated by the recent downgrades in earnings estimates for Indian companies. But the question now is the extent of the slowdown. The prognosis for the market will depend on whether the current economic slowdown is merely “cyclical” or likely to prolong. Corporate earnings for the June quarter will be keenly watched and so will IIP numbers for the coming months.

Weakening rupee

The rupee was also a factor in the recent market correction. With stock prices already retreating, the depreciating rupee further trimmed dollar returns for FIIs. The year-to-date Sensex return, a negative 35 per cent, is a good 6 percentage points worse in dollar terms. Some of the FIIs’ new-found dislike for emerging markets may also be attributed to the unexpected appreciation of the dollar against most Asian currencies in recent months.

The outlook for the rupee, which is pegged partly to the capital inflows situation, currently looks weak given the widening trade deficit arising from an expanding oil import bill. With the European Central Bank recently hiking the benchmark lending rate by a quarter point to 4.25 per cent (seven-year high) and the Federal Reserve likely to follow suit, investing in Indian equities may become that much more uninviting.

Foreigners flee

While every major corrective phase in India over the past four years has been triggered by FII selling, this one stands out for the quantum of outflows and the prolonged FII apathy. If the stock indices fell by 30 per cent in May 2006 after FIIs pulled out Rs 1,630 crore, in January 2008 alone they took almost double that amount off the table.

So far, the FIIs have sold over Rs 6,312 crore in 2008. Besides, in the six months that followed the January sell-off, FIIs figured as net buyers in only two months (February and April), alternating their purchases with selling the very next month.

An interesting sidelight is that domestic mutual funds were aggressive buyers on both occasions in the first month of correction — both in May 2006 and Jan 2008. This time around, even the retail investors appear to have been bullish in the early part of the correction.

There is as yet no sign of redemption pressure on domestic mutual funds. With equity fund managers sitting on higher cash positions (10-20 per cent) and reasonable ULIP collections, domestic institutions can step in if the valuations appear attractive. But they may not have the wherewithal to compensate for any concerted withdrawal by FIIs.

Sweeping correction, but defensives escape

The recent fall, unlike its predecessors in 2007, 2006 or even 2004, has been more widespread and deep, in terms of individual stocks.

The 2008 correction may have caused more damage to retail portfolios. Sample this: In May 2006, just 17 out of 100 stocks fell more than 50 per cent, while 63 out of 100 fell 30-50 per cent. Now, over 53 per cent of the stocks have been reduced to half their values from their January highs and 31 per cent of the stocks have shed 30-50 per cent (till June 27th).

However, the recent correction has been more discriminating and sector-specific.

Sectors such as IT, FMCG and pharma, with defensive connotations, bucked the broad market fall to a large extent. The fact that these sectors were under-owned by FIIs may also explain this trend.

The previous three corrections left Indian market’s valuations at a big premium to the other emerging markets. Not so in 2008. Six months of ruthless selling in equities has led to a sharp drop in the price earnings multiple of the Sensex, almost levelling it with other emerging markets.

From a peak of over 28 times its earnings, the Sensex basket now trades at a modest valuation of over 16 (13 times forward earnings). Even though this is at a premium to some Asian peers such as Hong Kong (12.8 times), Singapore (10.72 times) and Taiwan (12.7 times), the valuation gap has narrowed significantly from its January highs.

Current valuations have also plunged below the five-year average of 18 times. With the recent meltdown dissolving the speculative froth, investors entering the market now may be at lower risk of a steep valuation ‘de-rating.’

Outlook

There’s been no dearth of negative news in recent months, keeping retail investors in a state of trepidation. But here are a few positives that suggest India may still be a fertile ground for long-term investments.

Net foreign direct investments into Indian companies have grown by over 82 per cent to $15.5 billion in 2007-08. A global survey of corporate investment plans by KPMG has forecast that India will see the largest growth in its share of foreign direct investment, becoming the world leader for investment in manufacturing in five years.

Private equity M&A targeted towards India has grown to $ 2.1 billion (52 deals) till April 2008, compared to $893 million in the year-ago period, according to Dealogic.

Interestingly, the report states in the same period, there has been a fall in the private equity investments in developed nations such as the US, the UK, Japan and Germany.

Buyback announcements from companies such as DLF, Reliance Infrastructure, Great Offshore and JB Pharmaceuticals are signals that companies consider their stocks undervalued. “Insider buys’ by the promoters of companies such as Marico, IDFC and PVR are also positive signals of promoter sentiment.

Large Indian companies have carried out a string of acquisitions (Spice-Idea, Ranbaxy stake sale, Tata Motors-Jaguar) in the recent past which could deliver disproportionate growth over the long-term.

Srividhya Sivakumar

July 4, 2008

158) Forex derivatives and ‘Armstrong’ Palanisamys

Knitwear exports from Tirupur have grown from Rs 15 crore in 1985 to over Rs 10,000 crore now — a stupendous feat achieved by home-grown entrepreneurs, through competitive churning within. But the fall of the dollar saw a downturn in their fortunes that has been exacerbated by losses suffered from complex forex derivatives, says S. GURUMURTHY.

The novel-like prologue is inevitable. ‘Armstrong’ Palanisamy is a typical home-grown entrepreneur in the global knitwear hub of Tirupur. A farmer’s child, he was on the field and also at school, more in that order.

But, like many in Tirupur then, he too failed in his Pre-University Course. In the mid-1960s, he joined a knitwear unit in Tirupur. Like for most, for him too, it was an open-air MBA course in the knitwear business.

Soon, like his peers, he started his own knitwear work. At that time Neil Armstrong had landed on the moon. His name was on everyone’s lips, including in Tirupur.

Armstrong brand

So, the new entrepreneur, keen to penetrate the US market, branded his banians and T-Shirts as ‘Armstrong’. And, soon, he himself soon got branded, after his product, ‘Armstrong Palanisamy’. But he is no anecdote. He is a sample of the now globally-known Tirupur entrepreneurs.

Hundreds like him, big and small, had sprung up in Tirupur in just two decades. Dr Sharad Chari, in his meticulous research titled Fraternal Capital: peasant-workers, self-made men and globalisation in provincial India (Stanford University Press), traces how most entrepreneurs of Tirupur belong to one community — Kongu Goundar.

The science of their massive progress as a group is this: contagious competitive spirit forced one to copy, compete with, others within the community, turned into a sociological mix of business rivalry and fraternal co-operation that triggered an exponential entrepreneur development model in Tirupur. This is a subject in itself.

‘Social capital’

This is how the Tirupur entrepreneurs evolved: from cotton farming to cotton ginning, ginning to spinning, spinning to knitting and finally as knitwear exporters, soon to became a global brand.

The World Bank took the Goundar community by name in the World Development Report 2001 and noted its rise as a global knitwear force by leveraging on its own internal strengths as a community — read ‘social capital’ — often derided as caste.

The Bank also discovered how the Goundars had relied on their traditional networks, not on modern banks, to circulate their savings within to find and fund the capital they needed.

The Goundars graduated as entrepreneurs, not from IIMs, but by the contagious competitive churning within.

Sharad Chari’s painstaking work points out that two-thirds of the knitwear makers, like Armstrong Palanisamy, are matriculates or less, with only a third having been to college, and none — yes none — professionally qualified, thus pointing to the inverse relation between education and entrepreneurship.

Export growth

Knitwear exports from Tirupur have grown from Rs 15 crore in 1985 to over Rs 10,000 crore now! The liberalisation of the forex sector and the zeal to depreciate the rupee to make exports cheaper, saw the dollar appreciate and the rupee fall, by some 450 per cent in a decade. This put Tirupur on a growth escalator.

Knitwear exports from Tirupur rose as the dollar strengthened against the rupee from some Rs 13 to a dollar in 1991 to some Rs 50 in 2002-03. Subsequently, the dollar began slipping against all currencies and also, but less, against the rupee, thanks to the RBI’s policy to keep the rupee cheaper.

In the early months of 2007, the dollar was ruling at some Rs 44. Till then everything was going well for Tirupur exporters. But the history reversed from April 2007 onwards. A dollar of export, that fetched Rs 44 in March 2007, slipped to almost Rs 40 in just four months. The exporters lost thus.

If, in March 2007, an exporter had contracted to deliver 1,00,000 T-Shirts at $5 a piece in June 2007, his export bill would be $500,000, which at Rs 44 a dollar would get him Rs 2.20 crore on delivery. But as the dollar had fallen to Rs 40 by June, he would get less, only Rs 2 crore! With the annual exports in Tirupur being $2.2 billion, at any given time the knitwear under delivery or pending for payment would be more than $750 million, or Rs 3,300 crore.

If the dollar fell from Rs 45 to Rs 40, their loss would be Rs 300 crore. And expecting that the dollar would go up, not come down, many had kept the sale income already received in dollar account which also depreciated when the dollar collapsed in April-June 2007. The estimated loss of Tirupur exporters due to the dollar fall was estimated at Rs 400 crore.

Forex derivatives

Now begins the story. When the Tirupur exporters stood perplexed by the sudden and unexpected, adverse turn of events, a set of banks, most of them the new class of private banks, sent their most articulate and modern forex derivative salesmen to the simple-minded exporters. They unveiled before them a magic safety net.

They counselled the knitwear exporters not to think that they could make money only by exporting knitwear — a hard task — and told them that they could earn more, and easily, by playing in the forex market through derivative products. They assured them that the income they earn by buying and selling the forex derivative products would more than compensate them for their losses due to the dollar fall. These banks did not confine themselves to Tirupur. They went to every such community-led industrial cluster — Ludhiana, Surat, Rajkot, Baroda, Coimbatore, Tirupur, Karur.... But this story is about Tirupur.

The exciting prospect held out by the enterprising bankers was music to the ears of the desperate exporters. The banks had also told them that the derivative products had been devised by Nobel Prize winning economists! For the Armstrong Palanisamys of Tirupur reeling under the pain of the dollar fall, it was too tempting a relief. What is a forex derivative?

Stated in less complex terms, the forex derivatives marketed in Tirupur are a bet like any other bet. Here the bet is about whether the euro or yen or Swiss franc or French franc would rise or fall against one another and/or against the dollar and by what margin they will do so. If the bet goes right the exporters gain; if it goes wrong, they lose. The best financial brains cannot predict who would win the bet or lose.

Says www.finpipe.com , a Web site dedicated to promote knowledge of derivatives: “Politicians, senior executives, regulators and even portfolio managers have limited knowledge of these complex products.”

Buffet-speak

This is not in Tirupur or Ludhiana but in the West where derivative products are traded like bananas. Yet, Warren Buffet, the world’s richest and also the most accomplished financial brain, fears derivatives as financial WMDs, that is, weapons of mass destruction.

Some derivatives, says Warren Buffet, seem to have been devised by ‘madmen’. If Buffet is scared of derivatives and sees them as madmen’s game what would the exporters of Tirupur, who are ex-farmers, and two-thirds of whom are matriculates and less, know of derivatives, is obvious.

Even as the banks sold complex currency derivative products — feared by Warren Buffet as WMDs — to Armstrong Palanisamys, they knew that the uninformed buyers of their new wares were unaware of the consequences of playing with the new, enchanting toys.

The alluring assurances by banks persuaded the Tirupur exporters, given to herd mentality, en masse to sign up and buy the magic derivative products running into hundreds of millions of dollars, which they were told, and they believed, would relieve them of their sudden losses.

In the first few derivative dealings, the derivative merchants did manage to credit some profits to the exporters, which lured them even more to the new toys. Thus, from April 2007, the slick merchants of derivatives sold hundreds of millions of derivative-wares in dollars, euros, pounds, Swiss francs, Japanese yen paired in different mixes.

Increased risk

These derivatives were not devised to hedge the exporters’ risk, but to yield profits to them. And, therefore, they increased the exporters’ risks and exposed them to losses that were multiples of the losses occasioned by fall in the dollar value. Take the case of Armstrong Palanisamy. By about March 2008, the banks began asking him to pay — believe it! — over Rs 30 crore as loss on the derivative products sold to him on which he was, at the start, assured of adequate profit to offset his loss of some Rs 3 crore on dollar fall!

Thus the derivatives multiplied his woes. Most exporters of Tirupur suffered Armstrong Palanisamy’s fate, with some hit by more, and some by less, losses. The derivative loss of Tirupur is estimated at Rs 500 crore. This is in addition to their loss due to the dollar fall. Now comes, the next part, the story of how the derivatives that are intended to protect turned destructive to Tirupur.

The derivatives products merchanted by banks to the Palanisamys of Tirupur are known in forex trade as ‘exotic’. ‘Exotic’ means “strangely beautiful, enticing” also used as an adjective in ‘exotic dancer’ that is, “belly dancer, or the like”. The word ‘exotic’ as prefix to the derivatives poignantly captures how Tirupur’s exporters must have been mesmerised by the banks, rather like teenagers by stripteases and belly dancing.

As a curtain-raiser to how the Tirupur exporters were lured into exotic derivatives, here are some tips on forex derivatives. A derivative is a hedge against a risk; the hedge protects ‘against a fluctuation in the foreign exchange rate, rather than profit from it’.

Experts assert that currency laws in India allow hedging to avoid losses, but not to make profits. Derivative structures that yield profits are void, they say. Where do the Tirupur derivatives stand in this view of law? Start with the forex forward contracts, an undoubtedly permitted hedge. It works thus.

If a Tirupur knitwear maker commits to export when the rupee is, say, 41 to a dollar, he may forward-sell his export income in dollars at Rs 41 so that even if the dollar falls later to, say, Rs 39, the exporter will still get Rs 41. This is known in forex trade as ‘vanilla’ or plain forward, which hedges the risk of fall in forex.

But the derivatives merchandised by the banks to the Tirupur exporters were not that simple. A brief survey of the Tirupur derivatives shows that they were complex, exotic derivatives or seemingly simple ones but not allowed in law.

First, complex exotic derivatives were sold to the unwary exporters, most of them matriculates or school drop-outs, in what is clearly an exercise in deception. Even the most accomplished financial minds cannot fathom such derivatives.

Bewildering jargon

Here is an example of the complex derivatives hawked on Tirupur’s streets in the second and third quarters of 2007. Beware. The next few lines will spin the mind. An illustrative derivative deal dated July 3, 2007 (with ‘Tokyo cut’ ‘European style option’ and ‘American barriers’ as features) expiring on May 23, 2008 reads: “The exporter buys (and the bank sells) USD Call/CHF Put at strike 1.2300 for USD4 million with Knock Out @1.2400; The exporter sells (and the bank buys) USD Put/CHF Call at strike 1.2300 for USD8 million with Knock Out @ 1.24, Knock In @1.12”; “Double One touch option with trigger 1.2270 and 1.2330 with pay off USD 50000 on maturity”

Option legs? European style? American barriers? Tokyo Cut? Double one-touch option? Knock In? Knock out? How would the school dropouts-turned exporters in Tirupur have grasped these bizarre terms? Its effect, which even some experts cannot easily comprehend, is this: (a) if the Swiss Franc (CHF) trades at 1.2270 or 1.2330 to the dollar during a term of the derivative, the exporter would get $50,000 (equal then to Rs 22.5 lakh); (b) if the Swiss Franc trades below 1.12 to the dollar, the exporter is obliged to buy $8 million at 1.23, and incur a loss of $880,000, or Rs 4 crore, which will multiply if the dollar falls, as it actually did, below 1.12 Swiss Franc.

The dollar dipped as low as 1.05 Swiss Franc in May 2008. Every cent’s rise in the Swiss Franc against the dollar meant a loss of Rs 36.37 lakh to the Tirupur exporter under the deal. The Swiss Franc rose by 18 cents, and caused a loss of Rs 6.57 crore to the exporter’s acccount. What excited the exporter was the prospect of a small gain — Rs 22.5 lakh — the belly dance of the exotic derivative.

The law says that such profit-making is illegal, but the banks lured the exporter into the deal by simply dangling this illegal lollypop! QED: the exporter’s profit is limited to $50,000; his losses, unlimited in the deal.

Risk multiplied

Second, the banks advised the Tirupur exporters to go for derivatives that multiplied, not mitigated, their forex risk. In the illustrated case again, not one but three banks — one foreign, another feigning as Indian, and the third, nationalised — had marketed various combinations of derivatives to the same Tirupur exporter during 2007.

Under those derivatives, the exporter effected net purchase of $62.5 million and net sale of other currencies — Euro 6.75 million, GBP 27.75 million, Japanese Yen 167.12 million, CHF 1.10 million, and Rupees 63.95 million. While the three banks had forward-sold to him $62.5 million, he actually needed to sell — not buy — USD, as 90 per cent of his exports were billed in USD.

Here, the purchase of $62.5 million increases, not hedges his risk. The law says that banks should not, by the options they offer, increase the risk of the exporter. Yet this is precisely what the banks have done in Tirupur.

Imagine that a derivatives expert gives unsolicited advice to an uneducated mango-grower not to sell his mangoes in forward but go more for mango deriatives! How criminal would such advice be? The banks’ advice to the ex-farmers of Tirupur, who were generating USD through knitwear exports, to buy more USD was no different from such advice to mango-growers.

Third, the derivative volumes in most cases in Tirupur are many multiples of an exporter’s actual export turnover, while the legal cap for derivatives is only a fraction of it. The illustrative knitwear producer’s average exports for the last three years was $8 million, which is the cap on derivatives. Against this limit, the banks had contracted derivative volumes of $62.5 million — nearly eight times the limit.

A caveat. This limit is applicable only to hedging against losses; not to the purchase of $62.5 million which is not a hedge, but, a pure bet on the dollar. More. The law insists that three-fourths of the contracts for the permitted $8 million are not cancellable and have to be on deliverable basis. Yet all the deals contracted by the three banks were intended to be cancelled, settled without delivery!

Non-deliverable forwards

Fourth, under the deals marketed by them, the banks had contracted to buy specified currencies from exporters in which they had not billed and, therefore, would not get payment.

In the instant case, the three banks had contracted to buy 6.75 million Euro, 27.75 millions GBP, 167.12 million Jap Yen, 1.1 million CHF, from the exporter when he will get or have no Euro, no GBP, no Jap Yen and no CHF to sell, as he has billed his exports in USD and not in those currencies. Where from, then, will the exporter get the Euro, GBP or CHF to deliver to the banks?

The banks knew at the outset that they were not to deliver; so the banks have marketed non-deliverable forwards, not permitted in law. There are at least hundred such cases, big and small, like this in Tirupur alone.

Fifth, under the law, only the bank with which an SME (small and medium enterprise) has regular banking can offer derivatives products to it. And, that too, if the bank is satisfied, after conducting a due diligence check, that the kind of derivative is suitable to the client.

More, globally accepted norms require the banks to offer only derivatives suitable and appropriate to a customers, big or small. The Tirupur exporters are SMEs. Yet, in most cases, the derivative sellers were not the regular bankers of the concerned exporters. And no due diligence exercise was undertaken to assess the suitability of the product to an exporter.

It is not that the Tirupur exporters went to the banks in search of these complex derivatives. It was the other way around — the bankers were chasing, soliciting the unwary exporters to offer the derivatives.

Transferring risk?

Sixth, different banks that marketed their derivatives products to customers never made even basic inquiries as to the derivatives positions taken by the concerned customers with other banks.

Turning a blind eye to the derivative positions of an exporter with other banks, the derivative enthusiasts sold their wares to exporters just getting an undertaking — that he had no derivative position with other banks — on the form sent by the banks themselves by e-mail! Clearly, a false statement solicited by banks for record purposes to sell their derivative wares.

In some cases, the banks seem to have gone further and even did deals for the exporters without their knowledge, later using the signed letters in their possession to regularise the contracts! Undoubtedly, the law has been mercilessly broken in every conceivable way to structure and sell the derivatives to the under-prepared exporters. But why? Just for a fee? Unlikely. A larger motive seems to have been at work.

Having signed up risks in bulk as principals, did the banks recklessly market and retail their risk as market-makers to the unguarded exporters? There is more to it than meets the eye. Undoubtedly, a big scam in the making. Will the RBI wake up, probe, and get to the truth?

S. GURUMURTHY
(The author is a corporate advisor. His e-mail is guru@gurumurthy.net)

July 3, 2008

157) Regulator’s neutrality a must to ensure level field

The growing monopolistic trend in the stock exchanges is not in the interest of investors. It is time alternative trading platforms are created, on the lines of electronic communication networks and other initiatives in some developed markets, says M. R. MAYYA.

The SEBI Chairman, Mr C. B. Bhave, deserves to be congratulated for his recent statement that SEBI “has no intention of forcing any merger or consolidation between the Bombay Stock Exchange and the National Stock Exchange” adding that “it wants to promote competition among bourses in the country”.

Unfortunately, the stand taken in the initial stages of SEBI regulation was to encourage the NSE and curb the BSE’s growth.

The NSE was set up in November 1992 with ample funding from financial institutions and commercial banks, as a state-of-the-art stock exchange — a rare experiment, as stock exchanges the world over are set up by private enterprise and not by government-sponsored institutions.

Against this , the BSE had to face hurdles placed in the way of its efforts to raise resources by admission of 96 new members, each with an entrance fee of Rs 55 lakh, with the regulator raising objections to the admission procedure, seemingly with a view to crippling the Exchange’s operations.

No neutrality

As a result, the BSE’s computerisation programme was delayed as the Exchange did not otherwise have the resources to meet the cost of computerisation. The decision to admit new members, which was taken in 1991-92, could be completed only in 1993-94. This, in turn, delayed commencement of online trading through the BSE On-Line Trading System, which commenced only in March 1995.

The NSE had, however, started online trading in November 1994. Subsequently, knowing full well that the strength of the BSE lay in badla trading — trading with carry-over facility from one settlement to another — the regulator banned badla trading in January 1994.

Another instance of the lack of neutrality by SEBI was that when the NSE was allowed to conduct online trading from all over the country right from the beginning, in November 1994, the BSE was granted permission in this regard only in March 1996.

Even the advantage the BSE enjoyed by the introduction of modified carry-forward system operative from January 1995 was neutralised by the commencement of Automated Lending and Borrowing Mechanism (ALBM) by the NSE in February 1999, which was akin to badla, the difference between the two being the same as between Tweedledum and Tweedledee.

In fact, badla had an edge over ALBM as the checks and balances in the badla system by way of margins, limits on holdings, etc., did not exist in ALBM.

As a result, even in 1995-96, the NSE recorded a turnover of Rs 67,287 crore, while the BSE’s turnover declined from Rs 67,749 crore the previous year to Rs 50,064 crore.

Thereafter, the BSE’s share has been progressively shrinking while that of the NSE has been rising. In 2007-08, while the BSE clocked a turnover of Rs 15.79 lakhs crore, the NSE’s turnover zoomed to Rs 35.51 lakh crore, with practically no trading at any other stock exchange in the country. The BSE’s share is a meagre 30 per cent or so, and the NSE’s is 70 per cent.

Derivatives

The NSE did not have the prime mover advantage in derivatives that it had in the cash segment. Trading in derivatives started simultaneously both at the NSE and the BSE in June 2000. In fact, in the ten months from June 200 to March 2001, the volume of turnover in the BSE was higher, at Rs 2,365 crore against Rs 1,673 crore at the NSE.

The Ketan Parekh scam exposed in March 1991 virtually dealt a death blow to the derivatives segment at the BSE. As a result, turnover at the Exchange hardly registered a worthwhile rise.

The turnover at the NSE zoomed year after year, to register a staggering figure of Rs 130.90 lakh crore in 2007-008. At present, the turnover at the BSE has virtually zeroed down.

The blame for the debacle in the derivatives segment has to be borne by the members of the BSE who, by switching over their operations to the NSE, subjugated the interest of the exchange to their own personal interest, despite the fact that the benevolence of the regulator was with the BSE during the last three years.

SEBI’s recent decision permitting cross-margining between the cash and derivatives segments will give a further advantage to the NSE over the BSE, as there is no trading in derivatives in the latter, at present.

As a result of all these factors, the BSE’s share in aggregate trading is hardly 10 per cent as against 90 per cent by the NSE, which is progressively occupying a monopolistic position in the market. It is now an uphill task for the BSE to notch up any worthwhile turnover in derivatives.

How sad it is that the Sensex, being the bellwether index of the Indian stock market, tracked the world over, is drawing a blank while trading in derivatives.

As against the present near-monopolistic position among the stock exchanges, there is keen competition today in the depository business between National Securities Depository Ltd. and Central Depository Services (India) Ltd.

As a result, there has not only been a significant reduction in the charges investors pay (in fact, they no longer pay any custody charges, which used to be levied till about five years ago) but also in terms of service. The Indian depository system has indeed become a model for the global markets.

Monopolistic trend

The monopolistic trend in the stock exchanges, gaining strength day by day, is not in the interest of investors. It is, therefore, time we thought of creating alternative trading platforms on the lines of developments in some of the developed markets.

Electronic communication networks (ECNs) which match orders of clients and send the residual trades to the stock exchanges have sprung up in these markets.

These ECNs got a fillip last year in the United States with the introduction of REGNMS, a statutory rule which mandates that trades be sent to the venue offering the “best execution price”.

The European Union’s new MIFID directive does much the same. In the US, the share of the old exchanges in the turnover has dwindled from 86 per cent in April 2007 to 73 per cent in April 2008.

Irrespective of whether ECNs are set up or not, ways and means to curb the monopolistic trend in the stock exchanges need to be evolved.

The BSE can do it provided its members make the initial sacrifice of executing trades in the derivatives segment, even if it means a little loss to them.

Once this is done, automatically liquidity will be generated which can lead to higher volumes getting progressively executed. Will they do it? Time alone will decide.


M. R. MAYYA
(The author is a former Executive Director, Bombay Stock Exchange.)

July 2, 2008

156) Right medicine for inflation

What is happening under the banner of “war on inflation” launched on the June 25, 2008, the 33rd anniversary of the declaration of the infamous ‘Emergency’, reminded me of a delightful Gujarati folk tale regarding a “camel-riding apothecary”.

Once upon a time, there lived a celebrity apothecary who sat all the time on the back of a camel and refused to come down or to let the camel sit down. He was the disciple of a renowned guru and had no peer in the art of medication and surgery. It so happened that there was some kind of an epidemic that had affected the entire population of the walled village.

People rushed to the great apothecary (vaid) and prevailed upon him to treat the afflicted villagers. The sapient doctor came to the village but got stuck at the entry gate. It was too low to allow both the camel and the apothecary riding on its back to enter at the same time. If only the great doctor had agreed to take down the sizeable bundle of medical volumes that he carried all along, he might have succeeded in getting through the village gate.

Since he could not be prevailed upon to separate himself, even temporarily, from his books nor get down from the camel, the entry into the village became practically impossible.

The wise man gave suggestions one by one, advising the villagers to pull down the gate, or cut the camel’s neck. His advice was promptly acted upon but to no avail. Finally, he entered the village, but only after the entry gate was broken, the camel’s neck cut and the burden of his learned books removed.

Present-day counterpart

On his part, the learned doctor who is in charge of the War on Inflation 2008 finally started treating the nation afflicted by soaring prices on June 25, putting all his prejudices and points of honour aside.

When inflation was in the incipient stage of 7-9 per cent, the Finance Minister concentrated all his attention on the most superficial symptoms of the disease and tried to treat the rise in prices of vegetables, fruit, pulses and edible oil, in the manner of Attila the Hun. He ordered reduction in the Customs duties on edible oil, opening the floodgates of the commodity. He was not deterred even when the countries exporting edible oils clamped a massive export duty on edible oil, wiping out all the advantage of production and Customs duty in India.

He banned the export of non-basmati rice, though it was quite clear that it was difficult to distinguish between the non-basmati varieties and some others that pass for basmati. He imposed a ban on the storage of food-grains and let loose a spate of police raids on warehouses. The traders’ stocks went even deeper underground and the prices went even higher.

Finally, to deny all freedom of marketing to primary producers, he banned futures trading on four agricultural commodities in addition to the four already banned in 2007, taking the total number of banned commodities to eight. As if all this was not sufficient, he imposed a commodity transaction tax (CTT) so hefty that it threatens the very existence of the Commodity Futures Markets.

Too little, too late

Just as, even before entering the afflicted village, the learned apothecary had caused general devastation all around, the producers of the commodities whose prices increased were in utter despair. In spite of the fact that the monsoons arrived on time, they had little enthusiasm for increasing either the yields or the production. It was quite clear that the vaid had little interest in improving the lot of the ailing people.

Then, suddenly, inflation rose to 11 per cent. Remarkably, at this point in time, rise in the commodity prices was actually negative and the learned doctor could, by no stretch of imagination, pass on the blame to the Minister in charge of Agriculture. The situation became so serious that it looked as if the Queen might order, “off with the apothecary’s head” for fear that the people might otherwise clamour for hers.

Now the vaid had to give up all his pride and prejudices. The learned pharmacist knew all along that the affliction of inflation was caused not by the high prices of primary commodities but by the enormous purchasing power that had been pumped into the hands of urban consumer under the “inclusive growth” doctrine of the UPA. He had, deliberately, avoided attacking the real source of the affliction, lest that line of treatment invoke the Queen’s wrath.

Classic measures

The learned doctor finally started the classical deflationary measures. The Reserve Bank of India had been controlling both the cash reserve ratio as also the Repo rate that would signal an all-round increase in interest rates and make loans more expensive. The decision to start the new line of treatment would affect only the purchasing power of the urban consumer that is obtained through bank credit. No improvement is expected in the near future — not, at least, till the arrival of the new kharif crops. Only then can the prices be expected to ease.

The Governor of the Reserve Bank of India has already hinted that the monetary policy moved only by signals from the Ministry of Finance may not be sufficient to meet the current crisis. ‘The Working Class Family Income and Expenditure Survey’ recently released by the Ministry of Labour brings out clearly that the monthly incomes of the salaried and wage-earning classes have been increasing substantially. It also brings out that the family expenditure on food items is declining.

This clearly points to the need to curb not only the credit available to the urban consumer but restrain their incomes as well. Further, it confirms statistically that all policies aimed at depressing the prices of agricultural commodities are misplaced. The policy calculated to curb the incomes of the fixed income groups will not be palatable to the UPA since it will burst the balloon of its “inclusive growth” theory.

The village may still be saved. But the mystery is: Why did the learned doctor not start treating the known cause of the disease straightaway rather than causing the general devastation at the entry gate to the village?


Sharad Joshi
(The author is Founder, Shetkari Sanghatana and Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha. E-mail: sharad.mah@nic.in)